{"id":6320,"date":"2025-11-14T09:32:15","date_gmt":"2025-11-14T09:32:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/?p=6320"},"modified":"2025-12-04T08:12:26","modified_gmt":"2025-12-04T08:12:26","slug":"qui-sont-les-responsables-du-jnim-qui-imposent-un-blocus-pour-asphyxier-bamako","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/2025\/11\/14\/qui-sont-les-responsables-du-jnim-qui-imposent-un-blocus-pour-asphyxier-bamako\/","title":{"rendered":"Qui sont les responsables du JNIM qui imposent un blocus pour asphyxier Bamako?"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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Qui sont les responsables du JNIM qui imposent un blocus pour asphyxier Bamako?\u00a0<\/b><\/p>

Le Jama\u2019at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) s\u2019est impos\u00e9 comme l\u2019un des acteurs djihadistes les plus structur\u00e9s du Sahel, articul\u00e9 autour d\u2019un conseil central puissant et d\u2019un maillage territorial en constante expansion.<\/span><\/p>

Dans ce premier \u00e9pisode de la s\u00e9rie “Groupes politico-militaires islamistes radicaux au Sahel”, nous revenons sur la structure interne du mouvement, l\u2019organisation r\u00e9gionale en Mantiqa, l\u2019expansion transfrontali\u00e8re et ses figures cl\u00e9s tels que Jafar Dicko, Hamza al-Tabankorti, Abou Hamza al-Shinguiti et d\u2019autres responsables dont les positions \u00e9clairent les dynamiques internes et les alliances du groupe.<\/span><\/p>

Une analyse d\u00e9taill\u00e9e pour mieux comprendre l\u2019architecture op\u00e9rationnelle du JNIM et les reconfigurations en cours dans l\u2019espace sah\u00e9lien.<\/span><\/p>

L\u2019infographie est disponible ici : https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/11\/JNIM-infographie-dactualite.pdf<\/a><\/span><\/p>

Les prochains \u00e9pisodes porteront sur l’histoire des groupes arm\u00e9s au Sahel, leurs circuits de financement, leurs techniques de communication et plus.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

ENG<\/b><\/p>

Who are the leaders of JNIM imposing a blockade to suffocate Bamako?<\/b><\/p>

Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) has established itself as one of the most structured jihadist actors in the Sahel, organised around a powerful central council and an ever-expanding territorial network.<\/span><\/p>

In this first episode of the series \u2018Radical Islamist political-military groups in the Sahel\u2019, we look at the internal structure of the movement, its regional organisation in Mantiqa, its cross-border expansion and its key figures such as Jafar Dicko, Hamza al-Tabankorti, Abou Hamza al-Shinguiti and other leaders whose positions shed light on the group’s internal dynamics and alliances.<\/span><\/p>

A detailed analysis to better understand the operational architecture of JNIM and the ongoing reconfigurations in the Sahel region.<\/span><\/p>

The infographic is available here: https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/11\/JNIM-Episode-1-ENG.pdf<\/a><\/span><\/p>

Future episodes will focus on the history of armed groups in the Sahel, their financing channels, their communication techniques and more.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t

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Qui sont les responsables du JNIM qui imposent un blocus pour asphyxier Bamako?\u00a0 Le Jama\u2019at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) s\u2019est impos\u00e9 comme l\u2019un des acteurs djihadistes les plus structur\u00e9s du Sahel, articul\u00e9 autour d\u2019un conseil central puissant et d\u2019un maillage territorial en constante expansion. Dans ce premier \u00e9pisode de la s\u00e9rie “Groupes politico-militaires islamistes radicaux […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":6494,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[22],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6320","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-malinews"],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6320","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6320"}],"version-history":[{"count":15,"href":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6320\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6649,"href":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6320\/revisions\/6649"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6494"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6320"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6320"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/africansecuritynetwork.org\/HSGO4\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6320"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}